Decision Making as Output and Bounded Rationality

  The classical economics theories proceed on the assumption of rational agents. Rationality implies the economic agents undertake actions or exercise choices based on the cost-benefit analysis they undertake. The assumption further posits that there exists no information asymmetry and thus the agent is aware of all the costs and benefits associated with the choice he or she has exercised. The behavioral school contested the decision stating the decisions in practice are often irrational. Implied there is a continuous departure from rationality. Rationality in the views of the behavioral school is more an exception to the norm rather a rule. The past posts have discussed the limitations of this view by the behavioral school. Economics has often posited rationality in the context in which the choices are exercised rather than theoretical abstract view of rational action. Rational action in theory seems to be grounded in zero restraint situation yet in practice, there are numerous restra

Kashmiri Pandits, Thedor Herzl and the Aliyah

 

Nothing is more shameful nor agonising than a community being driven out of their homes and find themselves in refugee camps in their own country. They are not in refugee camps for a few days but for years together. While the Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) is something not acceptable for at least democracies, the case of the Kashmiri Pandits stand testimony to the abdication of the Indian state. Perhaps their only crime was they were Hindus. On January 19 1990, posters sprung up everywhere in the Kashmir valley calling for the Hindus to leave the valley. There were announcements over the loudspeakers through the night threatening the lives of the Hindus. The state had completely collapsed. Jagmohan had taken over as the Governor the previous day, but the administration had completely turned against India. Left with no options, the Kashmiri Pandits had to flee from Kashmir and begin lives afresh in the refugee camps of Jammu and Delhi.

 

Their tragedy was turned into an insult when the left liberal ecosystem refused to accept their exodus. In fact, it was often blamed on them, that they fled Kashmir for their personal gains. The system in Delhi lived in denial. It was perhaps for the Muslim vote or for the fact the victims were Hindus, there was very little the state did to protect the lives of its citizens. The trauma which the community went through lingers on some thirty years after the incident. There have been attempts to rehabilitate them back in the valley but none of them have attained any critical mass.

 

The demand from Kashmiri Pandits especially their organization Panun Kashmir is demanding a creation of a Union Territory exclusively for the Pandits in the eastern part of the Kashmir valley. They call this demand for their exclusive homeland as Vitasta, the name for river Jhelum. The Kashmiri Pandits lived north and east of this river and thus want a protected homeland. They decline to go back to the Valley in the absence of conceding this demand. While Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh have been reorganized into two Union territories, there is little movement on the homeland front. There have been proposals to create safe zones for the Pandits, but they are yet to take off.

 

The Kashmiri Pandit voices never seem satisfied. Any government proposal for sending them back into the valley and rehabilitating them is met with severe criticism. Whatever steps or proposal the government puts forth is met with disapproval without examination of merits. At times it looks that the Pandit community as an organization seems to be bent on a corner solution to borrow from economics. They want an exclusive homeland protected by the central forces north and east of Vitasta and anything less would be unacceptable. They would prefer to live in exile than going back on government terms. They want any rehabilitation on their terms. In the current scenario, it looks difficult to accept their terms. There is no doubt that Pandits have suffered big and the trauma and psychological scars are unlikely to go away soon. Yet it is time to look ahead. It might sound unpopular opinion but demanding a homeland with security guarantees might not be the best way of achieving their goals. If they have been thrown out, they need to go back and reclaim. They need to confront those who were responsible for putting them in this situation in the first place. This should be independent of the government. The government would step in obviously but a different will power is needed from the community itself. The scenario where there exists a fool proof zone might be a mirage. To achieve their reclamation of the land they were forced to flee from, they need an organic growth from the bottom. To this they need to look towards Israel.

 

Israel was not created in a day. It was not an immediate outcome of the Holocaust but a work in progress that existed for more than half a century underpinned by centuries of aspirations. The Holocaust and the recreation of the world map post-World War I, hastened it. Yet the movement to achieve it began earlier. To understand this, one needs to look at a man named Theodor Herzl. He lived just for forty four years, but the mark he created remains inedible through the state of Israel. He was among the first to advocate the idea of separate homeland for Jews. He met with several leaders of the pre-War era including the Kaiser in Germany, leading British political and diplomatic figures and leading associates of the Ottoman Sultan. He put forth many proposals among them which was help in retiring Turkish debt in exchange for a charter to a homeland in the Palestine. In fact he seemed warm to the idea of Jewish homeland in British East Africa, in what is currently Uganda. It was his ideas that led to the Aliyahs or migrations to Palestine.

 

While the first Aliyah predated Herzl, he brought together the Jews together in creating the First Zionist Congress. These Zionist Congress meetings were the inspiration behind the movement of Jews from different parts of the world to the Palestinian territory. Most of these migrations were due to continued persecution of Jews in Europe. What Hitler did was nothing unusual but for the scale and the manner in which it was executed. As Dreyfuss affair showed in France, there was anti-Semitism which led to the violence against Jews. The Jews did not have easy time but their determination, courage, resilience, will-power ensured that they built up a prosperous state in a desert. While the detailed story needs to be told on some occasion, yet these are the lessons which the Kashmiri Pandit community must imbibe.

 

There must exist an Aliyah of the Pandits into the valley. There would of course be resistance. The liberals would be more than cheering any assault on the Pandits. But they have to hold their territory. A territory lost is difficult to be regained. With passage of time, the Pandit society in all likelihood will regain their hold on the lands which they have lost. Towards that rather than demanding a kind of a foolproof enclave, they need to imbibe lessons and follow the model of Theodor Herzl and the Aliyah to reclaim their lost territory. They miss a Theodor Herzl among them. Therein lies their tragedy.

 

 

 

 

 

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