Decision Making as Output and Bounded Rationality

  The classical economics theories proceed on the assumption of rational agents. Rationality implies the economic agents undertake actions or exercise choices based on the cost-benefit analysis they undertake. The assumption further posits that there exists no information asymmetry and thus the agent is aware of all the costs and benefits associated with the choice he or she has exercised. The behavioral school contested the decision stating the decisions in practice are often irrational. Implied there is a continuous departure from rationality. Rationality in the views of the behavioral school is more an exception to the norm rather a rule. The past posts have discussed the limitations of this view by the behavioral school. Economics has often posited rationality in the context in which the choices are exercised rather than theoretical abstract view of rational action. Rational action in theory seems to be grounded in zero restraint situation yet in practice, there are numerous restra

Kremer, Patent Buyout and Innovation

The world continues to combat the Wuhan virus unleashed by China. The world at the moment grapples with two problems. The first is the efforts to discover a vaccine or a cure for the COVID-19 and the consequent distribution of the same to the global population. Secondly, it is to revive the economy which is suffering the lockdown. Theorists from Schumpeter onwards have viewed the restarting the economy being possible only through innovation. As the economy struggles, it is the new innovation that infuses life into the economy and enables it to build on the V shaped or U shaped or whatever shape the curve might posit itself to be.

 

Yet in the twin challenges that the society finds itself confronted with, lies a commonality and a challenge so as to speak. It is about innovation and protection of innovation and consequent prospect of monopolizing the innovation. Take the instance of a prospective discovery of vaccine or cure for the Chinese virus. The firm engaged in the discovery would seek to monetize the same. It implies at an extreme level, the retention of patents associated with the cure or vaccine. If the patents were to be monopolized by the firm, it would be difficult to ensure mass distribution among the population. At another extreme, are talks about the new drugs being made patent free thus enabling free or low price distribution of the drugs or the vaccine to the common man or woman across the world? The latter would apparently disincentives the producers from making efforts in discovering a new drug or a new vaccine. There is a danger of falling between two stools one of the tragedy of anti-commons while the other being tragedy of commons.

 

Such a scenario while posing a challenge does offer solutions to emerge out of the same. In the normal course of things, the governments have an option of compulsory licensing. This in all probability will happen once the new vaccine is discovered for the COVID-19. In case of non-application of compulsory licensing, it is possible to resort to parallel imports. In all likelihood, the state of panic and the mind-set of the government, the licensing will be resorted to. The governments will fix a royalty which will be paid into the pool to enable it to go to the patent holder. All drug firms will encouraged to produce the drugs on a mass scale as it seeks to combat the epidemic. There is a likelihood, the licensing would be in proportional to the political relationship the countries have with the discoverer country. If for instance, US firms discover the cure or the vaccine, it is possible for those countries which are close to US politically, militarily or economically to get the first right of use of the cure or the vaccine.

 

While compulsory licensing or parallel imports might enable the distribution of the prospective COVID-19 vaccine, it would be interesting to see patent protection for innovation to revive and revitalize the ailing economies all over the world. in the past, compulsory licensing or patent pooling have been used to revive or kickstart an industry affected by holdouts. An example would be the US aircraft industry in its initial stages. It was only the Congressional intervention through creation of a patent pool that enabled the aircraft industry to commence operations and enable US to become a world leader in aircraft manufacturing.

 

Yet in France, when photography first came in, it was not compulsory licensing or patent pooling that drove the industry. The French government bought out the patents relating to the photography industry and licensed them for free use. The move what Michael Kremer and other economists term as patent buyout spurred the industry resulting in sharp increase in innovations and subsequent filing of patents on improvisations in the industry. Michael Kremer seeks to use this lesser known but perhaps in his beliefs an effective tool to circumvent patent driven holdouts.

 

 To Kremer, the ideal way out to generate a virtuous cycle of innovation would be to encourage incentivise innovators. The innovators are confronted with the dilemma of implied demand uncertainty. There would be perhaps a utility for the innovation but no certainty with respect to the same for a specific innovation. In this scenario, the innovators would have to search for price discovery. This solution is relatively easier given innovators are ready to offer their bidding in the market. Yet, there are others who would not be keen to offer their products at the market and prefer to hold out if it is proven their innovation might be a strategic or key input in another innovation. This is often observed in pharmaceutical industry. The innovator might not be able to measure the consumer surplus and prefer to hold out expecting a higher willingness to pay for the innovation. It is in this context that the Kremerian proposition comes into play.

 

Kremer suggest an auction to discover the prices. The government must intervene in the innovation market and buy patents that might be of critical input in other innovations. As the oft repeated example goes, the 3D printing took off and began to assume a shape of the mass product only when the patents expired making those inputs generic. If the government had bought out the patents much earlier, the industry would have taken off perhaps a decade or two earlier. Yet, the government too would be in the dark which innovation would be of use and which would result in social waste. If the government pays high, it might be deemed rent-seeking while anything less would perhaps erode the producer surplus thus a disincentive for future innovation. In fact, producers might be reluctant to offer their innovation for auction or even exit from the market. Secondly, if the government is going to bid for a specific innovation, there might be cartelization to increase its prices. Therefore, the price discovery has to balance multiple things. The private players are also to be allowed to bid for innovation so that they can buy the rest of the patents on offer and also to enable government discover the natural prices of the patents under the hammer.

 

The government might want to pick only a select few information of which might not be aware to other bidders. Yet it might open up to the charge that private players would be forced to pick up the leftovers so as to speak. There is also a danger of adverse selection on the part of the government. Yet Kremer does point out the possible values that could be offered to the patent holders while purchasing the same. Irrespective of the operational constraints, the idea would be worth exploring for as an alternative to compulsory licensing or patent pooling.

 

 


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